There is so much myth surrounding the life and times of David Crockett that hardly anyone knows the truth about the man. We know he was born in 1786 and gave up his life for Texas Independence on 6 March 1836. He was 49-years old when he died — in those days, 49-years was a long time to live. One of the stories about Crockett surrounds his political career. He served in the Tennessee General Assembly between 1821-1823 and served as a member of the U. S. House of Representatives from 1827-1831 and 1833-1835. When Crockett decided that he was done with politics, he allegedly told someone, “You can go to hell; I’m going to Texas.” And he did.
Crockett went to Texas for the same reasons as other folks back then. There was an adventurer in Crockett, the same as there was a sense of adventure in most people who migrated west. The difference was that as a member of the US House, Crockett was fully aware of what was going on between the Texians and Mexico’s centrist government. Most of the pioneers had no clue at all. Crockett entered Texas with both eyes wide open. He knew what he was getting himself into — and he believed that the Texas fight was one worth having. Was he also looking to enrich himself in land? Of course, he was. There were no “commies” back then seeking to hold hands and sing kumbaya. Taking a piece of scrub land and molding it into a profitable enterprise wasn’t for the faint of heart.
What we also know to be a fact is that Texians, Texans, and Americans have never gotten along well with Mexicans. There are no similarities between the two cultures, and while there are plenty of good arguments from both sides of any issue confronting Texians, Texans, and Americans, there was never any “earned trust” between these people. This uneasy relationship continues to this very day; and today, as in 1915 (or at any other time in our history with Mexico), the association was often deadly.
There was always a good reason for revolution in Mexico. The reasons are as valid today as they were in 1824, 1836, and in 1910. Arguably, no one associated with government in Mexico ever developed compassion for their citizens. Ever. Mexican politicians who became the inheritors of Spanish America were always completely focused on enriching themselves; building a vibrant nation and society was never a priority, and still isn’t. As the descendants of Spanish Peninsulares and creoles, today’s politicians remain welded to an unwieldy class structure that makes one group of people forever better than the one just below their own. One would think that after 500 years of this “caste” system, the people would throw it off and demand better from their government. But — no.
What caused the Mexican Revolution of 1910 was the increasing unpopularity of El Presidenté Jose de la Cruz Porfirio Diaz Mori. He was known simply as Porfirio Diaz. He’d served as President of Mexico for 31 years. He served in office for so long because he observed the golden rule: whoever owns the gold, makes the rules. Plus, it seems that Mexico’s founding fathers never quite got around to solving the question of presidential succession.
Not only did Mexico have a revolution in 1910, one that lasted for ten long, bloody years, Mexico also experienced a series of armed insurrections. It was a time when every thug with a bandolier called himself general, and every army general commanding a platoon was a self-perpetuating thug. The groups in armed conflict, and the men involved in these lawless shootouts, when listed altogether, remind one of the greater Chicago telephone directory.
In 1910, one might have imagined that things could not have ever gotten worse in Mexico. They would have been wrong. The situation in Mexico between 1910-1920 was so bad that no rational person could have imagined what was next on the agenda. Casualty estimates range from 1.7 million to 2.7 million people killed (military and civilian). Of innocent bystanders alone, somewhere between 700,000 and 1.1 million. Within four years, conditions were such inside Mexico that American politicians began to view them as presenting a clear and present danger to the peace and stability of the United States. It was serious enough to justify two (2) separate US interventions: the invasion of Vera Cruz (1914) and the twelve-month-long Poncho Villa Expedition (1916-17). In addition to the two US expeditions, there was another confrontation — which occurred after thousands of Mexicans invaded Texas to escape the violence in Mexico (see also, Sedition in Texas and The Bandit War). It did not help to improve relations with Mexico when it was learned that Germany was making an attempt to coopt Mexico into attacking the US southern border.
Send in the Marines
When President Woodrow Wilson decided to commit American blood to the defense of Paris, France in 1917, it was necessary to mobilize the U. S. Armed Forces. At the very moment when Wilson made his fateful decision, there were only two (2) military services even partially ready for combat: The United States Navy and the U. S. Marine Corps. The Navy and Marines were “most ready” because they had already demonstrated their capabilities in the Spanish-American War. The Army, meanwhile, were still organized almost exclusively for fighting hostile Indians in the western states. Mobilization in 1917 was a herculean task — and it speaks well for the American people that they were able to pull it off in such a short period of time.
One of the units activated in 1917 was my first (home) regiment, the Eighth Marines. Of course, a number of regiments were brought online in 1917, not only for use in Europe, but also in areas far away from the European battle zone. In total, fourteen regiments of Marines were activated by the middle part of 1918. Most of these never served in the European conflict but were deployed either in the Caribbean or remained in readiness inside the United States. The 8th Marine Regiment was one of these stateside infantry units.
At the time, Marine Corps regiments lacked the structure of subordinate battalions. There was only a regimental headquarters element, and independent numbered companies. The 8th Marines included its headquarters, 103rd, 104th, 105th, 106th, 107th, 108th, 109th, 110th, 111th, and 112th rifle companies totaling 1,000 officers and men under the command of Major Ellis B. Miller. In 1917, owing to the “different kind of war” unfolding for the United States in Europe, the Marine Corps recognized the wisdom of adopting the U. S. Army’s battalion structure. If the Marines were going to fight a sustained land engagement, particularly alongside Army units, they would have to adopt an organizational structure that was identical to that of the Army. The structure, for the regiments dispatched to Europe, included three subordinate battalions, each with a headquarters company, and four rifle companies — an increase in strength to 3,000 men. Since the 8th Marines was not earmarked for service in Europe, the standard pre-war organization was retained.
The regiment’s first orders from HQMC was to prepare for deployment — to Texas. The contingency plan was to send the 8th Marines into Mexico if needed in the defense of the United States’ southern border — particularly in light of the fact that there was no improvement in Mexican/American relations after Pershing’s pursuit of Pancho Villa, and the growing concern among American citizens living along the border for their safety — particularly in light of Germany’s attempt to involve Mexico against the United States. Should it become necessary, the 8th Marines would make an amphibious assault at Tampico and seize the oilfields there.
After arriving at Fort Crockett, the 8th Marines resumed its normal duties, which included field training, weapons training, and amphibious operations. In August 1918, a newly organized 9th Marine Regiment under the Third Marine Brigade joined the 8th Marines at Fort Crockett. These units had been stationed in Cuba to safeguard sugar mills from insurrectionists and saboteurs working with German agents. It was in this way that the 8th Marine Regiment became a subordinate command, along with the 9th Marines, of the 3rd Marine Brigade.
This presence of a large force of U. S. Marines in Texas — not too far distant from the Mexican border, continued through 1919. There was never any attempt to hide the purpose of these Marines and Mexican officials were fully aware of the United States’ willingness to intervene in Mexico’s internal affairs. Accordingly, a steady supply of oil from Tampico continued to flow to the United States and its allies. This duty assignment was the 8th Marines most important contribution to the First World War. After eighteen months in Texas, HQMC directed that the 8th Marines move to Philadelphia. There, on 25 April 1919, the regiment was deactivated.
 Fort Crockett, constructed in 1903, was named in honor of frontiersman and member of the U. S. House of Representatives, David Crockett. Fort Crockett was a facility of the U. S. Army Coastal Artillery Corps at Galveston, Texas. During World War I, Fort Crockett served as a training base and pre-deployment training facility.